Sunday, April 24, 2016

Why I prefer the Indian Calendar to Judo-Christian Calendar

Why I prefer the Indian Calendar to Judo-Christian Calendar
Judo-Christian calendar is related to the birth or death of Christ.

Though he was called the star of wonder his arrival did not have any special stellar or celestial configuration to go by.

Whereas the ancient Indian calendar was based on semi-scientific reasoning.

Hindu calendar is a collective name for most of the luni-sidereal calendars and sidereal calendars traditionally used in Hinduism.

The Hindu calendars have undergone many changes in the process of regionalization.
Some of the more prominent regional Hindu calendars include the Nepali calendar, Punjabi calendar, Bengali calendar, Odiya calendar, Malayalam calendar, Kannada panchanga, Tulu calendar, Tamil calendar, Vikrama Samvat used in Northern India, and Shalivahana calendar in the Deccan States of Karnataka, Telangana, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh.
The common feature of many regional Hindu calendars is that the names of the twelve months are the same (because the names are based in Sanskrit).
The month which starts the year also varies from region to region.

The Buddhist calendar and the traditional lunisolar calendars of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand are also based on an older version of the Hindu calendar.

Most of the Hindu calendars derived from Gupta era astronomy as developed by Āryabhaṭa and Varāhamihira in the 5th to 6th century. These in turn were based in the astronomical tradition of Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa, which in the preceding centuries had been standardized in a number of (non-extant) works known as Sūrya Siddhānta.
Regional diversification took place in the medieval period.
The astronomical foundations were further developed in the medieval period, notably by Bhāskara II (12th century).

Differences and regional variations abound in these computations, but the following is a general overview of the Hindu lunisolar calendar.

The Indian national calendar or "Saka calendar" was introduced in 1957 based on the traditional Hindu calendars.
    The Indian calendar is known by the Hindu word "panchanga".
    The calendar is based on the lunar cycle. A day is measured as the period between one sunrise and the next. A month is the period from one moon cycle to the next. A year is measured from the beginning of a season until its return.
    A lunar month lasts 28 days.
    A lunar year lasts 12 lunar months or 354 solar days.

Since a period of twelve lunar months fall short of a solar year by 11 days, an additional month is added to the calendar at five-yearly intervals. This month is known as the "adhika".

Each month is divided into the two cycles (waxing and waning) of the moon (new moon to full moon and back). The period of the new moon is called "amavesya" and the period of the full moon is called "purnimavesya".
A season is called a "rtu" (pronounced 'ritu') and there are four seasons in a year. In the course of history two calendar eras have been adopted, they are the vikrama era and the shaka era.

The Shakas were a nomadic tribe of Central Asia who were displaced by the Yue Chi tribe (one of several nomadic tribes who conducted raiding parties into China, resulting in the construction of the Great Wall of China to exclude such intrusions).
The displaced Shakas migrated to northern India in the first century BC.
The Shakas established rule over large parts of the area. In 58 BC, they were defeated by a local regional king, Vikramaditya, who ruled over central India.
To commemorate his victory over the Shakas, the king introduced a new calendar era, the vikram era.
Many years later another Shaka king defeated the Vikramaditya dynasty and established a new era, known as the shaka era, the one which is still the official calendar system in India today.

Pink Moon
Considering that we live on planet Earth, today marks a momentous occasion – an occasion so significant that even the moon is celebrating. 

It’s Earth Day and tonight’s full moon will be specially shining in the nighttime sky to prove it.

Every April, the moon reveals its stellar beauty in the form of a Pink Moon. 

Sadly, this doesn’t mean that the moon turns rosy. 
It instead signifies that a micro- or mini-moon will be dancing across the inky black sky. This type of moon appears as it sounds, emerging smaller than normal because, according to EarthSky, tonight’s moon will reach apogee: 
The furthest point from the Earth.

The Farmers’ Almanac reports that this moon was named after the herb moss pink (also known as wild ground phlox), since this plant is one of the first to blossom during springtime. 

The Pink Moon is also referred to as the Full Sprouting Grass Moon, Egg Moon, and the Full Fish Moon. The latter two monikers were established because coastal tribes witnessed shad swim upstream to lay their eggs when this moon revealed itself. 
With this in mind, the Pink Moon also represents fertility in many circles.

Mystically speaking, SpringWolf’s Pagan’s Path suggests that we take this time to work on our relationships and to solve any problems that may be affecting this area of our lives. 

In general, Witchipedia reveals that if you begin a new business venture on the day of a full moon, it will bring you good luck. 
However, you may also want to consume extra Vitamin C today because being sick whilst the full moon glows can mean that you’ll be sick for quite some time.

Though the mini-moon began its nighttime reign last night, it can be spotted for around three days. You can also watch this phenomenon on Slooh’s website tonight, starting at 8pm EST. Either way, Happy Earth Day! 

We hope all you moon mavens out there have your telescopes ready!

Future of JVP

Future of JVP

Future of JVP is bright.

That is if they take meaningful steps to fill the void left by the demise of Reverend Sobitha Thera.

First they must get rid of the draconian laws within the party and having only “Yes Men” like Ma Ra retinue.

If they remain rigid, they will remain a spent force.

Their anti-corruption stand of all regimes specially of the Ma Ra Regime is a solid foundation to work with and build on.

I feel Prime Minister is mortally fearful to stand against the Ma Ra, either due to deals behind the back or impotence.

Either way, slow progress to act on stashing money ill gotten (mafiosi activity) will reduce the popularity of UNP very soon.

If we have a general election now UNP will lose minimum of 10 seats.

Equally, SLFP will lose 15 to 25 seats.

JVP should identify these seats (easy, just pick up the corrupt guys presently in parliament either as a list MP or elected by a thin margin) and cash in Now.

That means there are 30 to 45 seats left for grab.

They should drop the racist propaganda and should work with the Tamils in the entire country (mind you 50% are in the Sinhala dominant South) and especially the anti-LTTE groups.

With this scenario Prime Minister is the first to come asking for help.

Then twist his arm and get worthwhile reforms.

Otherwise currently simmering internal squabbles in the UNP ranks and file will intensify.

Ma Ra and corrupt monks he associates with will ruin the SLFP and they cannot think of coming to power for (Do not believe P. Vasu conspiracies) a decade.

I think we must send Vasu to permanent retirement, since like Philip he might end up even in the UNP.

Nothing I have said above would not come to fruition, unless JVP is flexible to have alliance with even UNP (JVP did it with SLFP and why not) when the time is right and have a long term strategy.

Never ever think of coming to power alone or try to steal MPs from UNP or SLFP.

That is a conspiracy in my opinion.

I am not a politician and do not curry favor any political party.

As a citizen I wish to fall in line with Mayadunne and Mahinda Deshapriya.

The reason for my writing this is that, I believe JVP has few able and talented guys and gals in their cadre.

If they remain out of power we are going to lose them or send them to oblivion.

The Elite

His most remarkable achievement was helping the Commissioner of election to hold free and fair election and refusing to help the former politico to stage a coup.

I was listening to an interview with D.B.Nihalsinghe and how he sidestepped (most likely he was fearful of the politicos) a question on politics and politicians.

We had a mass psychosis and fear (almost equivalent to Prabhakaran under previous regime) and if we did not have a public servant of high standard like the former DIG, the results of the election would have been rigged.

But remember there are conspirators among us including Buddhist Monks (Remember Somarama and Buddha Rakkita) who wants to go back to the underworld and dicctatorship.

ElericAbeygoonewardene, Cyril Herath and NK Illangakoon of the pantheon of police leaders in my time and after, excelled in keeping their flocks in their fold. 

They were the elite.

To the above I should add C.C. Dissanayake, whose daughter won the first gold medal in Asian Games, long time before, Susanthika.

Reproduction and the ideas are not mine.

Illangakoon’s Recipe for Success

by Merril Gunaratna

NK Illangakoon left office amidst a host of accolades and plaudits. Civil society, the media and even the political establishment sang praises of him. From a public standpoint, there was a touch of pathos about his departure. He left impressions of impeccable standards, moral courage and a reputation of being a "no nonsense IGP" to those within and without. Where many in the public service in recent times had been incapable of withstanding interference, Illangakoon, along with Sarath Mayadunne, and Mahinda Deshapriya stand out like rare beacons in the twilight.

Illangakoon has to be judged in the context of the times in which he worked. On assumption of office, he sought to come to grips with a syndrome which he saw as the bane of the service. From the 1970s, considerable authority an IGP enjoyed to control his subordinates, determine their appointments, transfers, promotions, and to consider disciplinary action, had steadily shifted to the political establishment. The IGP’s choice or decisions in such sphere found favour, subject to exception, only if the establishment was in agreement. With the advent of such a permutation, one which grew from a trickle to a raging torrent with the passing of time, the IGP’s authority waned sharply.

Illangakoon assumed office against such a backdrop. Perhaps he realized that if the deserving were given recognition, promotions and important posts, many things in the police would fall into place. He believed that new concepts, projects and reforms would be meaningless unless the efficient and deserving manned the diverse slots in the service. By the same token he was convinced that favourites with only patronage to boast of, would not adorn such slots. Those of such ilk are usually restricted in their ability to combat crime, vice, violence and lawlessness vigorously because of inherent limitations. Therefore the authority an IGP would exercise over his officers without hindrance becomes the cornerstone on which the success or failure of the police would hinge. The dictum "there are no bad men, only bad leaders" emphasizes that good results flow from good leaders, bad results, from ineffective ones.

Illangakoon’s task of regaining control of an authority or power which had shifted hands and exacerbated with time was not easy, for the process at the time he assumed office was virtually perpetual. But he succeeded to a considerable extent in regaining such power. Though not in full control, he substantially reduced its impact. The political establishment began to trust him and appreciate his views and recommendations of officers. His subordinates also began to show restraint in going over his head to cause reversals of his decisions. He developed in police parlance, the reputation of being a "no nonsense" IGP. He also refused to be a "yes" man in the eyes of the establishment.

It may be appropriate to state a few instances which stand testimony to the success of his policy. In mid 2015 he received information that an officer in charge of a police station in Kurunegala was engaged in business activities, running two "tippers" for hire. The senior officers in the region held the view that he was an efficient officer with a good reputation. Illangakoon made his own inquiries, ascertained the truth and transferred the officer far out. Strong influence was brought to bear to restore the officer, but the IGP held his ground and refused to yield. He may have lost ground in the process. Around the same time, he received a directive to transfer over 150 inspectors from where they worked, the reason adduced being that they had not discharged their responsibilities dispassionately. Though conscious that he may incur the ire of the establishment, llangakoon refused to implement the order, and the inspectors remained where they were. The policy he often practised when receiving requests for changes from the establishment was to clarify with regional chiefs and check the records of the officers concerned in the first instance. He would then convey his decisions, backed by cogent reasons.

Gamini Silva, retired senior DIG, held the view that he would oblige the establishment only if his decisions were in harmony with his conscience. He also evolved a system of interviews to determine the eligibility of officers for postings as officers in charge of districts and stations. He thereby had good reasons to back his recommendations to the ministry. Shortly before the election of January 2015, the secretary of the ministry of law and order, a former IGP, commenced the ugly habit of summoning senior officers direct, bypassing the IGP. Illangakoon put his foot down firmly, for the very thought of others seeking to weaken his control of officers was repugnant to him. There have been numerous other instances with a similar flavour.

It would be of interest to examine how he succeeded in causing changes in a situation where his predecessors, barring Cyril Herath, had failed to do. It is possible that his values, convictions, lifestyle, attributes and traits helped him to win the trust and confidence of governments. He led a simple life, abhorring material comforts. His reputation for honesty was impeccable. His integrity was exemplary. He refused to place himself under obligation to politicians as well as subordinates. He refused gifts from officers even when they returned from foreign travel. It is to his credit that he was successful in serving two governments in tempestuous times, and in emerging with his reputation untarnished. He kept a reasonable distance from the establishment, enabling him to say "no" when necessary. Amidst a flawless reputation, insidious elements in the police were unable to prejudice the establishment and weaken his control of the service.

He upheld the highest standards. In his entire career, he was known as a fierce upholder of the rule of law, a person with respect for rules, procedures and precedents as well. His decisions were dictated by his conscience and convictions, not by expedience, as had been the case of some others. A man of few words, his inscrutability often kept those in the establishment as well as his subordinates guessing. Backed by such attributes, he radiated candour and sincerity in thought and actions. His faultless character backed by his candid demeanour therefore had much to do with the success he achieved in winning the confidence of the establishment to take control of the most important responsibility an IGP should enjoy.

Illangakoon has left both a lesson and a legacy for his successors. If they succeed in practicing his art of marginalizing politics in the matter of handling subordinates, the police may regain some of their lost prestige. But such endeavours may be fraught with difficulties since the somewhat obnoxious syndrome had been entrenched for decades until Illangakoon caused a dent in it. After all, "one swallow does not make a summer".

ElericAbeygoonewardene, Cyril Herath and NK Illangakoon of the pantheon of police leaders in my time and after, excelled in keeping their flocks in their fold. They were the elite. There was a consistency in their policy of denying the shift of authority over manpower. Leading men in the public gaze, they jealously protected their domain from encroachment. Refusing to be pliant, they were successful in marginalizing the debilitating impact of the syndrome. The difference between them and the rest was that they pursued a coherent policy, acquiescence being more the exception than the rule. The elite consistently conveyed the message that they "knew their men best." They resisted the risk of the service becoming rudderless. Perhaps Illangakoon is unique even in this elite band, for he occupied a seat of "thorns" as it were for five long years, his métier evoking the respect and admiration of those within, and without. That he departed amidst fanfare, touching farewells and felicitations proves the point.

(The writer retired some years ago as a Senior DIG)